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Secessionist CK Raut arrested in Janakpur

JANAKPUR, Feb 2: Police on Thursday have arrested Chandra Kanta Raut better known as CK Raut, who is active in the tarai demanding that the southern plains be separated from Nepal

Raut was arrested at a time when the government was being criticized for doing nothing to those who have been openly talking about disintegrating the country. Following complaints, Siraha district police office had written to the Dhanusha district police, asking the latter to arrest Raut on the charge of ‘organized crime against the state’.

Dhanusha District Police chief SP Lalmani Acharya said that Raut will be handed over to Siraha police soon.

Raut, a permanent resident of Siraha district, had been living in a rented room near the old Janakpur Bus Park for the past six months. United under banner of Alliance for Independent Madhes (AIM), Raut and his supporters have been organizing gatherings in various parts of the country.

At a function organized on the premises of Pashupati Adarsha Higher Secondary School on January 18, Raut had spoken for about 11 minutes in which he had publicly stated that the tarai should seceded from Nepal.

Issuing a press statement Raut’s supporters have also confirmed his arrest. “Nepali state has yet again shown its racist color by arresting Dr Raut from Janakpur in an undemocratic manner,” states a press statement issued by Kailash Mahato.

Monday, February 06,2017

KATHMANDU: In Nepal, the police recently arrested a prominent Madhesi leader Dr Chandra Kant Raut a.k.a. CK Raut allegedly for ‘involvement in organized crime against the state’. Although this is not the first time that Dr Raut has been taken into custody under such a charge, it is however interesting to see Prachanda’s government behind this action.

Dr Raut, in the recent past, had praised Prachanda as a ‘true leader’ and enthusiastically supported replacement of KP Oli led government with that of Prachanda. He believed that with Prachanda at the helm, the negotiation with the government on Madhesi issues would make more headway.

That said, Prachanda’s government did take measures to address the demands of the agitating Madhesi people. It even tried to register a constitution amendment bill on citizenship and boundary demarcation issues which are at the heart of the agitation. Last year, Prachanda’s party withdrew its support from KP Oli government charging it of failing on various fronts, including the above.

After the withdrawal, although he became the Prime Minister, Prachanda’s image suffered a serious dent. He was blamed of playing into India’s hand and compromising on issues of national interest. That said, his government nevertheless looked strong. However, the decision to arrest CK Raut raises several questions:

Firstly, it suggests that Prachanda’s government is about to collapse. Without this fear in mind he wouldn’t have taken such a hasty step. After this, if his government falls he would like to be seen as a martyr as he did during his first tenure as the Prime Minister in 2008 when he resigned after he failed to get support from the then-President and his coalition partner ULM against then-Army Chief General Rookmangud Katawal who thwarted several government decisions. Now, again his government has failed to deliver almost all the promises it had made when it came to power. The frustration with the government is swelling and even India doesn’t look satisfied with its performance.

Secondly, CK Raut’s sudden arrest suggests that Prachanda is readying himself for the upcoming elections, local as well as general. With this he tends to show himself as a leader who is not afraid of antagonizing India. Ever since his government took over, he is being blamed of working on India’s behest. For the last two decades, since 1996, Prachanda has cultivated his image as an uncompromising nationalist leader. But in his earnest to become Prime Minister he repeatedly took steps which went against that image. This led to several splits in his own party. So it looks that with this decision he wants to reclaim his image which in recent months has been taken over by his rival KP Oli.

Thirdly, the arrest also hints that Prachanda’s honeymoon with the South Block has ended. India supported replacement of KP Oli government with that of Prachanda because it believed that Oli was a threat to its interest and that he was leading Nepal China’s way. India believed that the new government would undo Oli’s decisions. The Oli government signed several agreements with the China government and, even if just on paper, did end India’s monopoly in various sectors including oil and power. But after six months in power Prachanda has nothing to show.

Additionally, according to the compromised deal with the Nepali Congress Prachanda has to step down after nine months. So there is fear that when the time comes, he will have nothing to show for his achievements to his supporters and hencem will not be able to present his case strongly during elections.

Further, if there is any ‘hidden’ reason apart from those mentioned above behind Prachanda’s move then it doesn’t bode well for Nepal’s future. For if under pressure from Madheshi leaders, who are currently in negotiation with the government, Prachanda has decided to bypass them by making a hero of CK Raut then he is doing so at his own as well as the country’s peril.

At present, CK Raut is just a political figure without a large mass base. He is only good for making provocative claims time to time demanding secession of Tarai (Plain) from Nepal. Currently there are three visible leaders of Madhesh who have following amongst the Madheshi population. They are Upendra Yadav, Rajendra Mahato and Mahanth Thakur. And if they are neglected or superseded then there is every chance that Nepal might witness the rise of its Bhindranwale.

http://www.thecitizen.in/index.php/OldNewsPage/?Id=9871&What/The/Arrest/of/CK/Raut/Means/For/Nepal

OnlineKhabar | Friday, February 3rd, 2017 4:12 PM

Kathmandu, February 3
Nepal’s government is closely observing the international community’s reaction to the arrest of CK Raut, a ‘free Madhesh’ campaigner, on Thursday.
The government wants to make it clear to the international community that Raut’s case is not that of ‘free speech’, it’s more of ‘hate speech’, a Cabinet source told Onlinekhabar.
About a fortnight ago, Raut addressed a mass gathering in Siraha district headquarters Lahan and made ‘secessionist remarks’. Siraha police then issued an arrest warrant against him. Officials say he will be tried at the Kathmandu district court on sedition charges.
According to the Cabinet source, in his briefing to the Prime Minister, Home Minister Bimalendra Nidhi said Raut’s activities were getting out of hand, and he had to be arrested. Nidhi informed the PM that Raut had to be released the last time he was arrested for lack of evidence. This time, we have evidence that he made secessionist remarks, and we will use that against him in court, the Minister was quoted as saying.
Another source told Onlinekhabar that that the government was under pressure from the Madheshi Morcha to detain Raut. Ruling coalition leaders feel that the looming shadow of Raut does not help create a conducive political environment in Madhesh, necessary for local level elections.
The Cabinet source said the government is worried that the international community might raise Raut’s issue, and give him ‘prisoner of conscience’ status. He is a secessionist, who is abusing his right to free speech, the source said. “We do not want the West or rights NGOs to make it an issue,” the source said. “We are closely observing the international reaction.”
In a recent interview with Onlinekhabar, prominent human rights activist Krishna Pahadi had said: Raut is not a prisoner of conscience. He has called ‘mother’ Nepal a ‘prostitute’. This amounts to hate speech.
- See more at: http://english.onlinekhabar.com/2017/02/03/395187#sthash.hYBWaQVn.dpuf

Feb 3, 2017- Siraha District Court on Friday remanded Coordinator of the Independent Madhes campaign Chandra Kanta (CK) Raut in judicial custody for ten days.

Raut was arrested from Janakpur on Thursday and produced before the court today.

Lahan Area Police Office had asked for more to time for further investigation in the case lodged against him. He has been charged with organised crime against the state.

DSP Rajkumar KC said that Raut, while addressing an assembly in Lahan, Siraha on January 18, had given a provocative speech in which he hinted that Madhes should be established as a separate country.

Feb 2, 2017- Police have arrested Coordinator of the Independent Madhes campaign CK Raut from Janakpur on Thursday.

Dhanusha District Police Office Lalmani Acharya said that they made the arrest as per the request of Siraha police, who wanted to interrogate Raut on a previous case, from his rented residence in Machha Bazaar at 3 pm today.

Raut has been sent to Siraha after the arrest, informed Janakpur police.

A few weeks ago, Raut had expressed secessionist views while addressing a meeting at Lahan.

http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2017-02-02/ck-raut-arrested-in-janakpur.html

EU funded NGOs and some individual activists are seen as core members of the pro-Raut alliance who have been in constant touch with UN Field officers seeking their support to his cause.
Raut has been arrested and released on court’s order earlier as well, on charges of treason, and for fomenting communal hatred.
A Ph.D Scholar from MIT, he subsequently worked as a scientist at Raytheon BBN Technologies, Massachusetts. Back home six years ago, he plunged into politics, calling himself a leader in the mould of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr but his books and political literature spit venom on his rivals and what he calls ‘colonisers’ of Madhes.
Raut has been remanded to judicial custody for 10 days and there are indications that the case against him is likely to be pursued more vigorously this time.
© The Indian Express Online Media Pvt Ltd

http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/web-edits/nepal-police-arrests-madhes-activist-c-k-raut-4505856/

PRESS RELEASE

Police arrested Madheshi rights activists’ Dr. CK Raut after harassing his kids & family

Nepal, Janakpur. 02 February 2017, Nepal Police illegally arrested Madheshi rights activist Dr. Chandra Kant Raut after harassing his kids and family from Janakpurdham-4, Macha Bazar of Danusha district. More than a dozen of police personnel broke the lock of the gate and harassed his wife along his kids before manhandling and arresting Dr. Raut. Nepali state has yet again shown its racist color by arresting Dr. Raut in an undemocratic manner.

With this illegal act of detentation, the Government of Nepal (GoN) is violating Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article-19 once again. In spite of the release provided from the Supreme Court of Nepal on the charges of treason by GoN, Nepal police have continually been arresting and harassing Dr. Raut, his famimly, staff, his colleagues and distrupting his peaceful programs too. On the occasion of martyr day, Dr. Raut addressed a large mass of Madheshi people on 18th Jan, 2017 at Lahan, Sirha, Nepal.

He has been advocating for freedom of Madhesh through peaceful and non-violent means and is affiliated to the Alliance for Independent Madhesh (AIM). He was Born in Saptari, holds a PhD from Cambridge University, and has worked as a scientist in the USA prior returning to Nepal to advocate for the rights of Madheshis. He has also authored ‘A History of Madhesh’, ‘Madhesh Swaraj (Self-rule)’ and ‘Denial to Defense (autobiography)’.

AIM is an alliance of Madheshi diaspora, activists, parties and various organisations working for the independence of Madhesh through non-violent and peaceful means following the principles of Buddha, Gandhi and Mandela. AIM advocates an end to Nepali colonization, racism, slavery and discrimination imposed on Madheshis. It stands for three pillars: (a) Independent Madhesh (b) Democratic System, and (c) Peaceful and Non-violent Means.

Acknowledging that the right to freedom of speech, movement, peaceful assembly and association are the fundamental rights of all human beings everywhere, as also mandated by the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, of which Nepal is a signatory, we expect acknowledgement and assurance of our rights from the state and its agencies. We also appeal to all the state and non-state agencies, human-rights organisations, journalists, political parties, diplomats and international communities to oppose any violation of human rights by the state and its agencies.

(Signature)
Kailash Mahato
Co-organizer
Alliance of Independent Madhesh(AIM)
Tel: +977-9847038322
Email: free.drckraut@gmail.com

###

Saturday, 11 February 2017, 9:17 pm
Press Release: AHRC
NEPAL: Police must follow due process in arrest and investigation

Nepal’s police have arrested Dr. Chandra Kant Raut, popularly known as C.K. Raut, after harassing his wife and children from Janakpurdham-4, Macha Bazar, Dhanusha district. More than a dozen police personnel broke the lock of the gate and harassed his wife and children before manhandling and arresting Dr. Raut. The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) condemns the harassment of Dr. Raut’s family during his arrest on 2 February 2017.

The lack of due process in his arrest is a matter of concern. Dr. Raut’s wife asked for an arrest warrant, but the police refused to show her anything. She asked the police to wait to open the channel gate, but the police broke the lock pads. When Raut’s Assistant Satya Narayan Khang was recording his arrest, the Police took away his phone.

An hour after arresting Dr. Raut, two dozen police came back to search his room. His wife and two small children were afraid to see them. The Police took three cameras, two pen drives, three mobile phones, and stamps.

After his arrest, Dr. Raut was sent to Siraha for investigation, as the Siraha District Police Office had written to the Dhanusha District Police, requesting his arrest on the charge of ‘organized crime against the state’. This was due to Dr. Raut’s speech on Martyr Day, January 18, at Lahan, Siraha district, where he stated that the Tarai should secede from Nepal.

One day after this speech, on January 19, Nepal’s Press Council published a statement that threatened to take action against any media reporting about “some individuals”, whose actions might disturb national sovereignty, territorial integrity and social harmony. The Press Council has attempted to restrict the freedom of expression guaranteed in Article 17(2) of Nepal’s Constitution, and must be stopped.

Meanwhile, the dozens of death threats received by Dr. Raut are ignored by the government. The open death threats and submission of memorandums indicates a fragmentation of Nepalese society, and the breakdown of rule of law in the country.

The police took Dr. Raut to the Siraha District Court on February 3 and secured 10 days remand.

The AHRC urges the Nepalese government and police to ensure that all investigation into Dr. Raut’s activities is done in strict accordance to the rule of law, and international practices. His family members and lawyers should be allowed to meet him whenever the need arises, and he should not be tortured under the guise of ‘investigation’, a prevalent practice in police custody.

With Dr. Raut’s supporters in Madhesh, there is a strong chance of protest in Tarai after his arrest. Instead of any violent crackdown and mass arrests, the government should start analyzing the problems and issues, and address the root cause of discontent. The government’s negligence has led people in Tarai to take extreme measures, and there is considerable risk that the problem may spiral into an armed conflict in Nepal’s Tarai. The wise course of action for the Nepalese government is to start dialogue with communities in Madhes and madhesi leaders, and contain the situation.

# # #

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) works towards the radical rethinking and fundamental redesigning of justice institutions in order to protect and promote human rights in Asia. Established in 1984, the Hong Kong based organisation is a Laureate of the Right Livelihood Award, 2014.

http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO1702/S00026/nepal-police-must-follow-due-process.htm

The free Madhes campaign is led by CK Raut, who was arrested by the Nepali government and charged with treason in 2014. He was acquitted by a Special Court and lives in the Tarai town of Rajbiraj, under close state surveillance.

In Delhi on a private visit, he spoke exclusively to the Hindustan Times on his personal trajectory, why he seeks a free Tarai, expectations from India, and if such a campaign can be successful in 21st century South Asia.

Q. Why do you want an independent Madhes?

A. This is not a matter of only Nepal or Madhes. Wherever there is colonial rule in the world, the only solution is complete freedom from the colonising force and that is why we have selected this method. No other means, be it federalism or anything else, can provide a solution for colonial rule.

Read: Madhesi front announces fresh protest after shunning statute rejig

Q. What makes you say Tarai is a colony of Nepal?

A. There are several reasons. One, look at the army. Ninety five percent of the army present in the Madhes hails from outside Madhes, ie from pahad, hills. Even in India, during colonial rule, only 3 to 5% of the armed forces were from Britain. The Tarai is heavily colonised by the pahadi invading force.

Two, in colonisation, people from ruling class migrate and settle there. In 1951, people from ruling class constituted 6% in Tarai but today, it is 36%. This is one- sided migration. Three, even up to 1958, Madhesis required a visa to enter Kathmandu, which proves that we had a separate existence until then.

Fourth, in colonial rule, the colonial power goes to colonised land and exploits resources and brings it back. In Madhes, pahadi ruling class came to Madhes, exploited land, forest and rivers, raised revenues and took it back to the original place. Three-fourths of the revenue is collected from Tarai, but only 10% of the budget is spent on Tarai. There is cash flow from the Tarai to the hills. And fifth, the colonisers impose their language and culture in colonised territory. And in the Madhes, they have imposed the Nepali language and Nepali dress. This is all evidence for colonisation.

Democracy and violence

Q. Even if you are right historically, with democracy, isn’t there a possibility of accommodating Madhesis within the ruling structures of Nepal? In the last 10 years, there has been a Madhesi president and vice-president; there were over 200 Madhesis in the legislature; there is increased representation in bureaucracy. Should this process of integration and inclusion not be supported?

Read: 3 Madhesi protesters killed in fresh violence in Nepal

A. For democracy, you need freedom of choice. But that is not possible without liberation. On inclusion, it is not just a matter of numbers or proportion. During British rule, Indians outnumbered British in administration or bureaucracy but the British ruled India. The issue is the quality of inclusion. A small group of the ruling class can have the final say. It does not matter if a Madhesi could become president or vice-president; they could not practice their due rights granted by the constitution. They could barely rise above being second class citizens.

Q. There are other problems with a secessionist movement. The first is it will invite repression. And the second it is not feasible. South Asia’s map has not been redrawn since 1971 and will not happen now. Isn’t this a futile cause?

A. In today’s world, human rights have been established. There is well established international law. We can say that in this era of international order, there is a good mechanism for waging a peaceful revolution and asking for liberation. And there are already proper mechanisms like referendum that can liberate a land.

And second, it is not impossible at all. For example, 70 years ago, only 51 countries were registered in UN and now we have 193. In the past 25 years, more than 30 countries have got independence. It is not impossible.

Q. So is your immediate demand a referendum?

A. Yes. We want a referendum in the Tarai on the question of whether Tarai wants to be independent from Nepal or not.

Q. And what if the majority of the people in Tarai say they want to be a part of Nepal. Will you accept it?

A. Yes, I will accept it.

Q. Whenever you raise such an issue, it is inevitable that elements will pick up the gun. Peaceful movements are seen as ineffective for a cause like this. Don’t you think your demand will lead to violence and counter violence?

A. I am fully committed to non violence for both reasons of principle and pragmatism. The world is more united against violence than ever. There is no place for it. Second, even if you achieve independence with violent means, you cannot keep it for a long time. We have seen that with the Tamils in Sri Lanka and even the Maoists in Nepal.

People doubt the effectiveness of non violence, but research shows that with non violence, success rate is 70% while it is only 10% for violent movements. The third reason is that wherever there is violence, that society is most affected. We don’t want Madhes to be affected like Sudan and African countries.

Q. Where did the Tamils go wrong in your assessment?

A. The whole problem was the violent means. That was a complete mistake. That is why despite hundreds of thousands of Tamils being killed, the international community could not take any significant measures.

The Tarai’s internal dynamic

Q. The Tarai itself is so diverse. There are multiple castes within Madhesis; there are Tharus; there are Muslims. What makes you think they all want to live together, but separately from Nepal?

A. These are artificially created divisions by the Nepali state so that the ruling class can appear strong. But we are well connected by our language, culture, history and aspirations. The most effective uniting factor is that we are all discriminated and tortured by the Nepali state.

Q. But this is a negative conception of nationalism. You want to build nationalism based on only a common enemy ie the Nepali state? What is the positive thing that binds you?

A. This is just one aspect of nationalism – a common mental aspiration or expression. Madhesis also share other aspects like history, culture, language, economic structures.

Q. But even there, one could argue that history as the Dalit sees it, as the Tharu sees it, as an upper caste Madhesis, as a Muslim sees it is different. One could argue that there is no common language either. How would you respond to that?

A. As I said, those differences are created and projected by the Nepali ruling class. Look at language – you can go from Jhapa to Kanchanpur, and speak in one language, which is Hindi. But the ruling class people taught us that Hindi is not our language, and we must not speak it. You can see the conspiracy right there.

Q. You mentioned that divisions are a creation of Kathmandu. But caste is not a product of Kathmandu’s politics. The fact that women in Madhes are treated unequally is not because of Kathmandu. Aren’t these the real problems in Tarai?

A. The caste question is not unique to Madhes. It has been a feature in the Indian subcontinent. Once we have control, we can handle it. The whole control is out of our hands. As long as that key does not come in our hand, we cannot solve anything. That key is freedom. Once we have it, we can take decisions and form a strategy.

Q. As you said earlier, over one-third of the population in Tarai includes people of hill origin. They would, one can assume, strongly oppose any secessionist movement. How will you deal with that?

A. We are not against any community. This is the end of colonial rule for everyone living in the Tarai, and not just one community or the other. Two, even in the US it was the British immigrants who participated in the struggle for independence. In India, AO Hume or Annie Besant supported the nationalists.

We would urge people of hill origin to join the movement. And finally, when the Tarai is colonised, when it is deprived of its share of resources and budget, the pahadis living there also suffer. So it is for their rights too.

Constitution and the Madhes andolan

Q. How do you see the current constitution?

A. The ruling class has done its best job for preserving its agenda and benefits. It is not surprising at all. It is not for Madhesis at all. All articles have been written to exploit Madhesis.

Q. There is a movement underway to revise those aspects of the constitution which Madhes sees as discriminatory. Do you have views on that?

A. We have already done enough movements in the past with the same agenda. That has proven futile. This time, it is coming out of sheer frustration, rather than any definite agenda. The Madhesi parties have not been very consistent in demanding how many federal provinces should be in Tarai. The demands have been wavering.

Q. How do you assess the role of the moderate Madhesi parties?

A. I will say that basically they understand there won’t be any achievement except building their party base. Their effort must be appreciated for keeping the movement alive for five months, and preventing any major ethnic clashes and violence during this time.

Q. Do you think that the movement will bring about change the structure of the Nepali constitution and state?

The ruling class has been clear about it – that they do not want to give rights. We are not clear. The problem is with us. Our Madhesi leaders are not clear. They are just busy strengthening their party base. This movement will prolong till the next elections, and everything will be forgotten. The issue will get lost. The movement will end. There will be normal political procedure. Kathmandu has already been victorious. They have not even consulted the Madhesi parties during the recent amendment process.

The politics of sedition

Q. If Kathmandu wins, then what happens? Does your movement become stronger?

A. Yes, yes. If we have can have a referendum right now, it will show that majority of Madhesis already want independence. There is only one way left now.

Q. If there is no referendum and independence is not granted, what happens then?

A. We should not be seeking independence as being granted from them. We should be holding elections, forming our own legislature, and government. It is under our own control. When we are prepared, we should form the government and seek recognition from international community. It is a question of our preparedness.

Q. But that will be sedition and the Nepali state will crack down?

A. That is why we are doing this through peaceful means. If hundreds of thousands of people rise, then the state cannot crack down and charge treason against all of them.

Q. You were arrested last year on sedition. What are that experience like?

A. It was a great experience. I am proud of the time in jail. It gave me a lot of confidence in myself and my way. It also showed the power of non violence. There are many armed groups in existence but the state did not go after them, but us because they know power lies in non violence.

Q. You don’t think asking for independence is sedition?

A. Not at all – because sovereignty lies with the people and it is the people who should decide whether Madhes or any region should be independent or not.

Q. Where are you getting support from? Such a movement cannot run on air. There has to be financing, organisation.

A. From the people, the general mass of Madhes. Once they understand why we need independence, they are ready to sacrifice everything because nothing is more valuable than freedom.

India’s role

Q. How do you see India’s role at the current moment and what is your expectation from Delhi?

A. India has a unique role about Madhesis. It has a great responsibility to ensure that Madhesis are not prosecuted. India has played a positive role. Because of the open border and other affinities, India cannot close its eyes at all. If the region becomes violent, it will affect India. During the current movement itself, thousands of Madhesis sought refuge in India. And if the violence increases, that number will significantly increase. If Madhes does not become independent in the next 15 years, there may be hundreds of thousands of Madhesi refugees in India.

Q. But India values its state to state relationship with Nepal; it is committed to Nepal’s unity and territorial integrity.

Why should India take a stand in favour of a break up of a friendly state? It has not done so anywhere in the region.

A. The last five months has proved that Madhesis will not get any rights within Nepal. It has also proved that Nepal is not in the hands of India. It is in the best interests of India to support a free Madhes because that will lead to a friendly, stable and peaceful neighbour which is Madhes rather than having a violent trodden, communist region that is Nepal.

Personal trajectory

Q. You were among the most successful Madhesi professionals in Nepal – you studied on a scholarship in Japan, and then did a PhD from Cambridge, and you were working in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Most people would like to move from Rajbiraj to Boston, you came back when you could be earning thousands of dollars. Why?

A. I used to make that kind of money. The thing is that once you satiate material desires and pass all those levels of human needs, then you start looking beyond personal and familial needs. Once I became what people call successful, I started looking beyond myself – to my society and when I looked beyond, I saw poor Madhesi people and the problems they were facing.

And because I was at the top of the ladder, I felt it is my responsibility as well to solve those problems. I had worked for two years in the US, and planned to stay for ten years there. But I went on a tour from Mechhi to Mahakali across the Tarai and during that tour, I saw many pitiful scenes of Madhes. People far from my home looked at me with pitiful eyes, hoping I would give a solution. That journey forced me to decide that I must return from the US immediately and do whatever I can on this very land.

Q. Was there a particular moment when you decided you would fight for Madhesi freedom? What was the trigger?

A. Prior to the Hrithik Roshan scandal in December 2000, I used to consider myself a true Nepali. That incident turned me into a Madhesi. For an alleged anti-Nepali remark from Hrithik Roshan, riots were triggered across Nepal and Madhesis were targeted. (Roshan denied making such comments). I was an engineering student in Kathmandu and was staying there during my winter vacation.

I observed it first hand; saw Madhesis severely beaten. Houses of Madhesis were burnt. I was a victim from my own close friends. That incident actually forced me to look at myself and search for my identity and nationality. I was questioned that I was not a Nepali when I considered myself someone ready to die for Nepal.

I was not very open about it because I also had a spiritual inclination. I was always in a dilemma – whether to pursue spiritualism or fight for identity, dignity and rights. I went on a spiritual tour across India and I realized there is no way to run away from one’s own identity. That forced me to fight for my identity and nationality. That was the turning point of my life. Then I became an advocate for independence.

Even as moderate Madhesi parties wage a movement to seek revision in Nepal’s new constitution, the country is witnessing a nascent separatist movement in the Tarai.

The free Madhes campaign is led by CK Raut, who was arrested by the Nepali government and charged with treason in 2014. He was acquitted by a Special Court and lives in the Tarai town of Rajbiraj, under close state surveillance.

In Delhi on a private visit, he spoke exclusively to the Hindustan Times on his personal trajectory, why he seeks a free Tarai, expectations from India, and if such a campaign can be successful in 21st century South Asia.

Q. Why do you want an independent Madhes?

A. This is not a matter of only Nepal or Madhes. Wherever there is colonial rule in the world, the only solution is complete freedom from the colonising force and that is why we have selected this method. No other means, be it federalism or anything else, can provide a solution for colonial rule.

Read: Madhesi front announces fresh protest after shunning statute rejig

Q. What makes you say Tarai is a colony of Nepal?

A. There are several reasons. One, look at the army. Ninety five percent of the army present in the Madhes hails from outside Madhes, ie from pahad, hills. Even in India, during colonial rule, only 3 to 5% of the armed forces were from Britain. The Tarai is heavily colonised by the pahadi invading force.

Two, in colonisation, people from ruling class migrate and settle there. In 1951, people from ruling class constituted 6% in Tarai but today, it is 36%. This is one- sided migration. Three, even up to 1958, Madhesis required a visa to enter Kathmandu, which proves that we had a separate existence until then.

Fourth, in colonial rule, the colonial power goes to colonised land and exploits resources and brings it back. In Madhes, pahadi ruling class came to Madhes, exploited land, forest and rivers, raised revenues and took it back to the original place. Three-fourths of the revenue is collected from Tarai, but only 10% of the budget is spent on Tarai. There is cash flow from the Tarai to the hills. And fifth, the colonisers impose their language and culture in colonised territory. And in the Madhes, they have imposed the Nepali language and Nepali dress. This is all evidence for colonisation.

Democracy and violence

Q. Even if you are right historically, with democracy, isn’t there a possibility of accommodating Madhesis within the ruling structures of Nepal? In the last 10 years, there has been a Madhesi president and vice-president; there were over 200 Madhesis in the legislature; there is increased representation in bureaucracy. Should this process of integration and inclusion not be supported?

Read: 3 Madhesi protesters killed in fresh violence in Nepal

A. For democracy, you need freedom of choice. But that is not possible without liberation. On inclusion, it is not just a matter of numbers or proportion. During British rule, Indians outnumbered British in administration or bureaucracy but the British ruled India. The issue is the quality of inclusion. A small group of the ruling class can have the final say. It does not matter if a Madhesi could become president or vice-president; they could not practice their due rights granted by the constitution. They could barely rise above being second class citizens.

Q. There are other problems with a secessionist movement. The first is it will invite repression. And the second it is not feasible. South Asia’s map has not been redrawn since 1971 and will not happen now. Isn’t this a futile cause?

A. In today’s world, human rights have been established. There is well established international law. We can say that in this era of international order, there is a good mechanism for waging a peaceful revolution and asking for liberation. And there are already proper mechanisms like referendum that can liberate a land.

And second, it is not impossible at all. For example, 70 years ago, only 51 countries were registered in UN and now we have 193. In the past 25 years, more than 30 countries have got independence. It is not impossible.

Q. So is your immediate demand a referendum?

A. Yes. We want a referendum in the Tarai on the question of whether Tarai wants to be independent from Nepal or not.

Q. And what if the majority of the people in Tarai say they want to be a part of Nepal. Will you accept it?

A. Yes, I will accept it.

Q. Whenever you raise such an issue, it is inevitable that elements will pick up the gun. Peaceful movements are seen as ineffective for a cause like this. Don’t you think your demand will lead to violence and counter violence?

A. I am fully committed to non violence for both reasons of principle and pragmatism. The world is more united against violence than ever. There is no place for it. Second, even if you achieve independence with violent means, you cannot keep it for a long time. We have seen that with the Tamils in Sri Lanka and even the Maoists in Nepal.

People doubt the effectiveness of non violence, but research shows that with non violence, success rate is 70% while it is only 10% for violent movements. The third reason is that wherever there is violence, that society is most affected. We don’t want Madhes to be affected like Sudan and African countries.

Q. Where did the Tamils go wrong in your assessment?

A. The whole problem was the violent means. That was a complete mistake. That is why despite hundreds of thousands of Tamils being killed, the international community could not take any significant measures.

The Tarai’s internal dynamic

Q. The Tarai itself is so diverse. There are multiple castes within Madhesis; there are Tharus; there are Muslims. What makes you think they all want to live together, but separately from Nepal?

A. These are artificially created divisions by the Nepali state so that the ruling class can appear strong. But we are well connected by our language, culture, history and aspirations. The most effective uniting factor is that we are all discriminated and tortured by the Nepali state.

Q. But this is a negative conception of nationalism. You want to build nationalism based on only a common enemy ie the Nepali state? What is the positive thing that binds you?

A. This is just one aspect of nationalism – a common mental aspiration or expression. Madhesis also share other aspects like history, culture, language, economic structures.

Q. But even there, one could argue that history as the Dalit sees it, as the Tharu sees it, as an upper caste Madhesis, as a Muslim sees it is different. One could argue that there is no common language either. How would you respond to that?

A. As I said, those differences are created and projected by the Nepali ruling class. Look at language – you can go from Jhapa to Kanchanpur, and speak in one language, which is Hindi. But the ruling class people taught us that Hindi is not our language, and we must not speak it. You can see the conspiracy right there.

Q. You mentioned that divisions are a creation of Kathmandu. But caste is not a product of Kathmandu’s politics. The fact that women in Madhes are treated unequally is not because of Kathmandu. Aren’t these the real problems in Tarai?

A. The caste question is not unique to Madhes. It has been a feature in the Indian subcontinent. Once we have control, we can handle it. The whole control is out of our hands. As long as that key does not come in our hand, we cannot solve anything. That key is freedom. Once we have it, we can take decisions and form a strategy.

Q. As you said earlier, over one-third of the population in Tarai includes people of hill origin. They would, one can assume, strongly oppose any secessionist movement. How will you deal with that?

A. We are not against any community. This is the end of colonial rule for everyone living in the Tarai, and not just one community or the other. Two, even in the US it was the British immigrants who participated in the struggle for independence. In India, AO Hume or Annie Besant supported the nationalists.

We would urge people of hill origin to join the movement. And finally, when the Tarai is colonised, when it is deprived of its share of resources and budget, the pahadis living there also suffer. So it is for their rights too.

Constitution and the Madhes andolan

Q. How do you see the current constitution?

A. The ruling class has done its best job for preserving its agenda and benefits. It is not surprising at all. It is not for Madhesis at all. All articles have been written to exploit Madhesis.

Q. There is a movement underway to revise those aspects of the constitution which Madhes sees as discriminatory. Do you have views on that?

A. We have already done enough movements in the past with the same agenda. That has proven futile. This time, it is coming out of sheer frustration, rather than any definite agenda. The Madhesi parties have not been very consistent in demanding how many federal provinces should be in Tarai. The demands have been wavering.

Q. How do you assess the role of the moderate Madhesi parties?

A. I will say that basically they understand there won’t be any achievement except building their party base. Their effort must be appreciated for keeping the movement alive for five months, and preventing any major ethnic clashes and violence during this time.

Q. Do you think that the movement will bring about change the structure of the Nepali constitution and state?

The ruling class has been clear about it – that they do not want to give rights. We are not clear. The problem is with us. Our Madhesi leaders are not clear. They are just busy strengthening their party base. This movement will prolong till the next elections, and everything will be forgotten. The issue will get lost. The movement will end. There will be normal political procedure. Kathmandu has already been victorious. They have not even consulted the Madhesi parties during the recent amendment process.

The politics of sedition

Q. If Kathmandu wins, then what happens? Does your movement become stronger?

A. Yes, yes. If we have can have a referendum right now, it will show that majority of Madhesis already want independence. There is only one way left now.

Q. If there is no referendum and independence is not granted, what happens then?

A. We should not be seeking independence as being granted from them. We should be holding elections, forming our own legislature, and government. It is under our own control. When we are prepared, we should form the government and seek recognition from international community. It is a question of our preparedness.

Q. But that will be sedition and the Nepali state will crack down?

A. That is why we are doing this through peaceful means. If hundreds of thousands of people rise, then the state cannot crack down and charge treason against all of them.

Q. You were arrested last year on sedition. What are that experience like?

A. It was a great experience. I am proud of the time in jail. It gave me a lot of confidence in myself and my way. It also showed the power of non violence. There are many armed groups in existence but the state did not go after them, but us because they know power lies in non violence.

Q. You don’t think asking for independence is sedition?

A. Not at all – because sovereignty lies with the people and it is the people who should decide whether Madhes or any region should be independent or not.

Q. Where are you getting support from? Such a movement cannot run on air. There has to be financing, organisation.

A. From the people, the general mass of Madhes. Once they understand why we need independence, they are ready to sacrifice everything because nothing is more valuable than freedom.

India’s role

Q. How do you see India’s role at the current moment and what is your expectation from Delhi?

A. India has a unique role about Madhesis. It has a great responsibility to ensure that Madhesis are not prosecuted. India has played a positive role. Because of the open border and other affinities, India cannot close its eyes at all. If the region becomes violent, it will affect India. During the current movement itself, thousands of Madhesis sought refuge in India. And if the violence increases, that number will significantly increase. If Madhes does not become independent in the next 15 years, there may be hundreds of thousands of Madhesi refugees in India.

Q. But India values its state to state relationship with Nepal; it is committed to Nepal’s unity and territorial integrity.

Why should India take a stand in favour of a break up of a friendly state? It has not done so anywhere in the region.

A. The last five months has proved that Madhesis will not get any rights within Nepal. It has also proved that Nepal is not in the hands of India. It is in the best interests of India to support a free Madhes because that will lead to a friendly, stable and peaceful neighbour which is Madhes rather than having a violent trodden, communist region that is Nepal.

Personal trajectory

Q. You were among the most successful Madhesi professionals in Nepal – you studied on a scholarship in Japan, and then did a PhD from Cambridge, and you were working in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Most people would like to move from Rajbiraj to Boston, you came back when you could be earning thousands of dollars. Why?

A. I used to make that kind of money. The thing is that once you satiate material desires and pass all those levels of human needs, then you start looking beyond personal and familial needs. Once I became what people call successful, I started looking beyond myself – to my society and when I looked beyond, I saw poor Madhesi people and the problems they were facing.

And because I was at the top of the ladder, I felt it is my responsibility as well to solve those problems. I had worked for two years in the US, and planned to stay for ten years there. But I went on a tour from Mechhi to Mahakali across the Tarai and during that tour, I saw many pitiful scenes of Madhes. People far from my home looked at me with pitiful eyes, hoping I would give a solution. That journey forced me to decide that I must return from the US immediately and do whatever I can on this very land.

Q. Was there a particular moment when you decided you would fight for Madhesi freedom? What was the trigger?

A. Prior to the Hrithik Roshan scandal in December 2000, I used to consider myself a true Nepali. That incident turned me into a Madhesi. For an alleged anti-Nepali remark from Hrithik Roshan, riots were triggered across Nepal and Madhesis were targeted. (Roshan denied making such comments). I was an engineering student in Kathmandu and was staying there during my winter vacation.

I observed it first hand; saw Madhesis severely beaten. Houses of Madhesis were burnt. I was a victim from my own close friends. That incident actually forced me to look at myself and search for my identity and nationality. I was questioned that I was not a Nepali when I considered myself someone ready to die for Nepal.

I was not very open about it because I also had a spiritual inclination. I was always in a dilemma – whether to pursue spiritualism or fight for identity, dignity and rights. I went on a spiritual tour across India and I realized there is no way to run away from one’s own identity. That forced me to fight for my identity and nationality. That was the turning point of my life. Then I became an advocate for independence.